Muammar Gaddafi, the longest Arab-Muslim leaders, was born in Sirte, Libyan desert, sometime in 1942 (it is assumed between June and September) from a poor family of Bedouin. At the age of nine he moved to Sebha where he went to school and absorbed the ideas from neighboring Egypt, scene of the revolution of Gamal Abdel Nasser, one of the leaders of Arab nationalism.
Just to Sebha, the adolescent Gaddafi began his march towards the revolution against King Idris El-Senussi: the political activity of young Muammar continued at the University of Tripoli, where he earned a degree in history before being admitted to ' Military Academy in Benghazi, where many cadets will respond to his ideas of Arab nationalism and anti-Western. After a training period in the British military academy, he returned Gaddafi in Libya, where in the meantime, the stirrings of rebellion were increasingly heated.
The September 1, 1969, the Libyan king Idris learned from the radio - some day gone abroad - had been ousted and that their country had ceased to be a monarchy. Leading the revolt against the sovereign - the leader of the Revolution Command Council - was just the young Gaddafi. His first acts of government were in line with the projects secretly cultivated in previous years: the nationalization of foreign banks and oil companies, as well as the closure of all Western military bases. Emphasis on pan-Arabism and adherence to Islamic precepts in all areas - including the prohibition of the sale and consumption of alcohol - Libya characterize the early years of the revolution gheddafiana.
One of the first measures of the Libyan revolution - now transformed into a police state - was, in July 1970, the expulsion and confiscation of assets of about 20,000 Italians were in the former "Fourth Shore" in the period following the end of ' Italian colonial occupation, whose traces are still present in urban and rural areas of a country which also houses the remains of lofty classical Greek and Roman times. Also grown in the wake of his ideas before coming to power, the Colonel of Tripoli became a champion of many national liberation movements but also to terrorist groups around the world, found in the Libyan capital, and moral support, especially financially. Parallel to the political-military detachment from the alliance with the Western approach is how the Soviet Union and Communist bloc countries.
Since the early years of the Gaddafi government, relations with Italy were so unstable as politically stable - even if sometimes fraught with problems and misunderstandings - in terms of trade. The announcement in December of 1976, a Bank Libya - the Libyan Arab Foreign Bank - had acquired about 13% of Fiat shares by paying twice the market price, which was then about 3,000 pounds, aroused deep wonder in the peninsula . But concerns - proved unfounded - for the headlong rush of an unpredictable dictator Arabic, now joined to the sound of petrodollars in the parlor of Italian finance.
In the spring of 1977, Muammar al-Qaddafi decided it was time to give a shock to the system of its ideological-political revolution by launching two initiatives: changing the official name of the country from Libya "Jamahiriyah" (literally: "State of the Masses "), the exposure of a political theory in its original" Green Book ", by which the real power would lie in the" popular committees ", while his stay at the head of the country would have only the purpose of executing the will of the masses .
The main result of this change in policy gheddafiana was to make a clean sweep of all the imported ideologies and bring out just the same leader who defines the "Third Way", brought forth from his mind without any borrowing abroad. By this time, the characterization of the Islamic country became less pronounced - Libya while remaining under the most observant Muslim countries - but what matters most is the statement of the ideas contained in the "Green Book" and the author, the subject a cult of personality not found in other Mediterranean countries contemporaries.
Despite numerous official utterances that emphasize the role of the masses, there is no doubt that, in Tripoli, the power continues to be firmly in the hands of Colonel in Sirte, whose relatives and members of the same tribe - which continues to aggregate primary remain valid in all Arab countries - are unquestionably installed in all the nerve centers of the country.
Alleged involvement in terrorist attacks in Tripoli led, in 1986, the American aerial bombardment of Tripoli: bombs fall on the same barracks that serves as Gaddafi's home, killing his adopted daughter. The bombing of a Pan Am airliner American-Scottish town of Lockerbie on precipitation and whose responsibility is assigned to the intelligence services of Tripoli - had the consequence of imposing economic sanctions on Libya, whose isolation is reflected especially on the conditions of living, certainly not worthy of a country's largest exporter of "black gold". Another attack increased international isolation of Libya against the French airline UTA plane of the sky in the Sahara.
Their failures on the Arab side - or the events which he perceived as such - to Gaddafi suggested, since the early '90s, pushing on the accelerator of African Unity. In an interview, was not afraid to say that the continent is "as close as Iraq or Syria." And the pan-African rhetoric became more and more insistent with the advent of the third millennium. The new twist of a leader who loves to surprise came in 2003: in December of that year, the colonel decided to leave the program to build weapons of mass destruction. Result: resume diplomatic relations with the United States and U.S. oil companies return to Libya en masse. The end of economic sanctions - which were charged nearly all the country's problems in the past fifteen years - the Libyans are dreaming the near future more and more pink, the end of the nightmare of belonging to what Washington calls the "rogue states".
But the new "wind of Tripoli" has so far proved stingy with the people in favor of one of the richest countries in oil and natural gas. The vast majority of Libyans - except very close to the power and the business world - live (or rather survive) in uncertainty, without the ability to purchase those products imported from Europe and the United States, which adorn the windows of cities such as Tripoli and Benghazi.
Just to Sebha, the adolescent Gaddafi began his march towards the revolution against King Idris El-Senussi: the political activity of young Muammar continued at the University of Tripoli, where he earned a degree in history before being admitted to ' Military Academy in Benghazi, where many cadets will respond to his ideas of Arab nationalism and anti-Western. After a training period in the British military academy, he returned Gaddafi in Libya, where in the meantime, the stirrings of rebellion were increasingly heated.
The September 1, 1969, the Libyan king Idris learned from the radio - some day gone abroad - had been ousted and that their country had ceased to be a monarchy. Leading the revolt against the sovereign - the leader of the Revolution Command Council - was just the young Gaddafi. His first acts of government were in line with the projects secretly cultivated in previous years: the nationalization of foreign banks and oil companies, as well as the closure of all Western military bases. Emphasis on pan-Arabism and adherence to Islamic precepts in all areas - including the prohibition of the sale and consumption of alcohol - Libya characterize the early years of the revolution gheddafiana.
One of the first measures of the Libyan revolution - now transformed into a police state - was, in July 1970, the expulsion and confiscation of assets of about 20,000 Italians were in the former "Fourth Shore" in the period following the end of ' Italian colonial occupation, whose traces are still present in urban and rural areas of a country which also houses the remains of lofty classical Greek and Roman times. Also grown in the wake of his ideas before coming to power, the Colonel of Tripoli became a champion of many national liberation movements but also to terrorist groups around the world, found in the Libyan capital, and moral support, especially financially. Parallel to the political-military detachment from the alliance with the Western approach is how the Soviet Union and Communist bloc countries.
Since the early years of the Gaddafi government, relations with Italy were so unstable as politically stable - even if sometimes fraught with problems and misunderstandings - in terms of trade. The announcement in December of 1976, a Bank Libya - the Libyan Arab Foreign Bank - had acquired about 13% of Fiat shares by paying twice the market price, which was then about 3,000 pounds, aroused deep wonder in the peninsula . But concerns - proved unfounded - for the headlong rush of an unpredictable dictator Arabic, now joined to the sound of petrodollars in the parlor of Italian finance.
In the spring of 1977, Muammar al-Qaddafi decided it was time to give a shock to the system of its ideological-political revolution by launching two initiatives: changing the official name of the country from Libya "Jamahiriyah" (literally: "State of the Masses "), the exposure of a political theory in its original" Green Book ", by which the real power would lie in the" popular committees ", while his stay at the head of the country would have only the purpose of executing the will of the masses .
The main result of this change in policy gheddafiana was to make a clean sweep of all the imported ideologies and bring out just the same leader who defines the "Third Way", brought forth from his mind without any borrowing abroad. By this time, the characterization of the Islamic country became less pronounced - Libya while remaining under the most observant Muslim countries - but what matters most is the statement of the ideas contained in the "Green Book" and the author, the subject a cult of personality not found in other Mediterranean countries contemporaries.
Despite numerous official utterances that emphasize the role of the masses, there is no doubt that, in Tripoli, the power continues to be firmly in the hands of Colonel in Sirte, whose relatives and members of the same tribe - which continues to aggregate primary remain valid in all Arab countries - are unquestionably installed in all the nerve centers of the country.
Alleged involvement in terrorist attacks in Tripoli led, in 1986, the American aerial bombardment of Tripoli: bombs fall on the same barracks that serves as Gaddafi's home, killing his adopted daughter. The bombing of a Pan Am airliner American-Scottish town of Lockerbie on precipitation and whose responsibility is assigned to the intelligence services of Tripoli - had the consequence of imposing economic sanctions on Libya, whose isolation is reflected especially on the conditions of living, certainly not worthy of a country's largest exporter of "black gold". Another attack increased international isolation of Libya against the French airline UTA plane of the sky in the Sahara.
Their failures on the Arab side - or the events which he perceived as such - to Gaddafi suggested, since the early '90s, pushing on the accelerator of African Unity. In an interview, was not afraid to say that the continent is "as close as Iraq or Syria." And the pan-African rhetoric became more and more insistent with the advent of the third millennium. The new twist of a leader who loves to surprise came in 2003: in December of that year, the colonel decided to leave the program to build weapons of mass destruction. Result: resume diplomatic relations with the United States and U.S. oil companies return to Libya en masse. The end of economic sanctions - which were charged nearly all the country's problems in the past fifteen years - the Libyans are dreaming the near future more and more pink, the end of the nightmare of belonging to what Washington calls the "rogue states".
But the new "wind of Tripoli" has so far proved stingy with the people in favor of one of the richest countries in oil and natural gas. The vast majority of Libyans - except very close to the power and the business world - live (or rather survive) in uncertainty, without the ability to purchase those products imported from Europe and the United States, which adorn the windows of cities such as Tripoli and Benghazi.
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